Steve Keen & Michael Hudson – Keen, Hudson Unpick Historical Path to Global Recovery

Link to a discussion between economists Steve Keen and Michael Hudson:

“Keen, Hudson Unpick Historical Path to Global Recovery”

 

Selected excerpts:

Michael Hudson: “America did something that has relevance for America for today. After the North won the Civil War, they thought how are we going to teach protectionist, non-Ricardian, non- Malthusian economics. And they say, most of the economic courses were taught at prestige universities, and most universities in America were founded by religious orders to train the priesthood. And the political economy course was taught in the seniorly years, you know, the final one, and it’s all, markets are great.

“So the solution was that you can’t reform these academics. They’re hopelessly tunnel visioned. So America founded state colleges with a different faculty, new people teaching rational, protectionist economics, and the business schools. And the first business school professor was Simon Patten at the University of Pennsylvania, the Wharton School, which was funded by industrial protectionists. And so you had in America this whole body of theory that now has been whitewashed out of textbooks into a kind of Orwellian memory hole.”

***

Steve Keen: “Whereas the top universities are reproducing the religion [neo-classical economics]. And the thing is this is quite a successful strategy when you’re fighting an ideological war. But it’s not a successful strategy when you’re trying to manage a capitalist economy. And, unfortunately, they’re trying to do both at once. And, of course, what that leads to is the debt deflation episode we’re seeing now. Because according to the theories of this high priesthood, such things can’t happen.

***

Michael Hudson: “When the graduates, who learn what you and I are talking about money, graduate, they can’t get jobs, because jobs are conditional upon being able to publish in prestigious economic reviews, and they’re all controlled by University of Chicago and by neoliberals.

“And the genius of Chicago free market theory is you can’t have a free market Chicago style unless you have a totalitarian state that will prevent any alternative to the theory. When they went to Chile, Harberger is said to have sat in a hotel room saying, here are the professors you have to kill. Pinochet and the American embassy said, here are the labor leaders you have to kill. And here are the intellectuals you have to kill.

“You cannot have a free market neoliberal style unless you are willing to either kill or exile or suppress or censor any alternative to your theory, because the theory doesn’t work. It’s fiction. It’s junk economics.”

***

Steve Keen: “So what they’ve had by the purge they’ve managed to achieve – not quite as drastically as Chile, thank god – but the purge they managed to achieve in intellectual economics to make them just that the sole mainstream and knock out any alternative arguments meant that they took over economic policy as well as economic theory. And pushing it forward led them to the financial crisis that they could not see coming, because they didn’t even include the variables that cause the financial system in their models.

***

“Now what you’re seeing 10 years after the crisis is, finally, some awareness coming through that our models are completely at variance with the real world.

 

Missing from this discussion, which labels Keen and Hudson’s opponents as ideologues, is that Keen and Hudson are also ideologues.  Philosophy tells us that there is no “reality” free from ideology.  What these two should be saying is that their ideology is more scientific, and it benefits a wide proportion of the population.  Hudson says, “You know, every economic theory begins with a conclusion and they work back from the conclusion is what kind of logic is going to lead to this.”  But that is nearly a definition of “legal realism” in jurisprudence — in other words, it is not some special method that applies to certain (neo-classical) economists, it is the way most people work in any situation, including Keen and Hudson!  There is a partial acknowledgement of this when Hudson says, “And all of the reformers, including you and me, look at the – we have a picture of the overall economy, because we’re showing how something whether it’s bad or good will affect the overall economy. The anti-reformers have something in common – a methodology.”

Reviews of Anwar Shaikh’s “Capitalism”

Links to reviews of reviews of Anwar Shaikh‘s Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crises (2016):

Bonus links: Video lectures by Shaikh and “Innocuous Proclaimations” (this short interview probably renders reading Shaikh’s book unnecessary)

Dean Baker – Inequality As Policy

Link to an article by Dean Baker:

“Inequality As Policy: Selective Trade Protectionism Favors Higher Earners”

This article is Baker grandstanding as usual, making the same arguments he has made ad nauseam for many years.  There are numerous flaws in his arguments, which is extremely unfortunate because he’s trying to make some important points, however crudely, about the promotion of inequality.

The major flaw in his argument about intellectual property (IP) law is that he conflates the specific case with the general case (a type of association fallacy).  This is a flawed form of argument that many economists use regularly to deceive readers.  Baker concludes that all IP is bad, but his argument relies almost exclusively on examples from copyright and pharma patents.  It almost goes without saying that copyright laws are indeed maximalist and skewed toward special interests.  His criticisms there are spot on and need no further explanation.  His critiques of patents focus on pharmaceuticals.  The problem is that pharma is not like other technologies.  Pharma is a regulated industry, and companies are able to rent-seek even with unpatented drugs.  Recent examples in the headlines include the Martin Shkreli saga and the EpiPen debacle.  While excessive patent strength/value may be problematic, it is not the sole cause of rent-seeking problems.  And there are so many unique aspects of the pharma industry (right down to doctors’ monopolization of writing prescriptions) that criticisms of pharma patents says almost nothing about patents in other technology areas.  Baker writes, “The laws have been changed to extend patents to new areas such as life forms, business methods, and software.”  The problem with this statement is that it is completely false.  While the U.S. patent laws have indeed been updated with the America Invents Act, and other miscellaneous legislative changes, it is worth noting that these changes to the patent statutes did not alter patent-eligible subject matter (35 U.S.C. 101 – unchanged since 1952).  While courts did expand patent subject matter eligibility from the early 1980s through the turn of the millennium, Baker ignores how the major development in patent law in judicial decisions over the last decade has been to curtail patent subject matter eligibility (Bilski v. Kappos, Mayo v. Prometheus Labs., Alice v. CLS Bank, Association for Molecular Pathology v. Myriad Genetics, etc.).  Baker suggests a trend in a direction directly opposite to the bulk of the recent judicial record.  While numerous other countries prohibit patenting of medical diagnosis or treatment inventions, and countries like Germany historically (though no longer) prohibited patenting chemical compositions, there was never such a ban in the United States.  Furthermore, what about trademarks or trade secrets?  These constitute whole areas of IP law, yet Baker makes no mention of them.  This further underscores how Baker has cherry-picked specific cases, divorced from their specific factual contexts, and (misleadingly) presented them as the general case.

The comments to Baker’s article make some useful points.  As Vic Volpe notes, software and financial patenting is arguably a bigger problem than pharma patents.  (see also, e.g., http://open.mitchellhamline.edu/cybaris/vol5/iss2/1/).  Also, BobbyG notes the misleading citation of average physician salaries in the article, which further evidences how Baker’s primary mode of argument is to distort the facts to serve his ideological agenda — in case it is in doubt what that is, Baker supports centrist “New Deal” Keynesian economic policies.  So, while it is fine that Baker critiques neoliberal policy in its promotion of “winner take all” inequality, readers can rightfully question how and why he inserts New Deal liberalism in its place.  Of course, many other critiques of patents and such are equally ideologically-driven, which is unfortunate because meaningful criticism is needed.

 

Addendum:  Baker has continued to promote the same line in a further interview (no surprise).  But what is hilariously ironic is that he makes the following snide comment: “There also is a reluctance to think differently. We often joke that intellectuals have a hard time accepting new ideas. Unfortunately it is close to accurate. Even well-established academics are much more likely to accept an idea from an academic with high standing than a person with less standing, no matter how compelling it might be.”  Reading the whole interview makes clear that Baker fails to see how this criticism forcefully applies to him too!

Michael Hudson – The Return of the Repressed Critique of Rentiers

Link to an article by Michael Hudson, excerpted from the book Absentee Ownership and its Discontents: Critical Essays on the legacy of Thorstein Veblen (2016):

“The Return of the Repressed Critique of Rentiers: Veblen in the 21st Century Rentier Capitalism”

Bonus link: “The Legacy of Veblen in the Age of Post-Industrial Capitalism”

Costas Lapavitsas & Ivan Mendieta-Muñoz – The Profits of Financialization

Link to an article by Costas Lapavitsas & Ivan Mendieta-Muñoz:

“The Profits of Financialization”

Parts of this resemble conclusory, almost aristocratic dismissals of concepts (not backed up by any rationale or evidence), but mostly this article focuses on a very important topic.

Michael Hudson – Review of Welcome to the Poisoned Chalice

Link to a review by Michael Hudson of James K Galbraith‘s book Welcome to the Poisoned Chalice: The Destruction of Greece and the Future of Europe (2016):

“Review of James Galbraith, Welcome to the Poisoned Chalice (2016)”

Select quote:

“At first glance the repeated ‘failure’ of austerity prescriptions to ‘help economies recover’ seems to be insanity – defined as doing the same thing again and again, hoping that the result may be different. But what if the financial planners are not insane? What if they simply seek professional success by rationalizing politics favored by the vested interests that employ them, headed by the IMF, central bankers and the policy think tanks and business schools they sponsor? The effects of pro-creditor policies have become so constant over so many decades that it now must be seen as deliberate, not a mistake that can be fixed by pointing out a more realistic body of economics (which already was available in the 1920s).”

This is reminiscent of a quote frequently attributed to Donald Berwick (among others): “Every system is perfectly designed to get the results it gets.”  In the economic context, this notion is also explored further in Economists and the Powerful (2012).

Robert Kuttner – Hidden Injuries of Class, Race, and Culture

Link to an omnibus book review by Robert Kuttner:

“Hidden Injuries of Class, Race, and Culture”

Bonus links: “What Drives Trump Supporters?: Sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild on Anger & Mourning of the Right” and “I Spent 5 Years With Some of Trump’s Biggest Fans. Here’s What They Won’t Tell You.” and “Rural Voting from Group Identity Resentment of Other Groups Not Ideology” and “Janesville: Microcosm of the Heartland Rustbelt” (but see “On the Differences of Comedy in the Time of Alt Right Transgression” — essentially rejecting the core premise of Hochschild’s affective sociology as an infantalization)